Thursday, May 22, 2008

دوازده تز پیرامون تغییر جهان بدون تصرف قدرت




1- نفی، نقطه آغاز حرکت است.
با فریاد آغاز می­کنیم نه با کلمه. در مبارزه علیه سرمایه­داری که زندگی بشریت را به نابودی کشانده است با وحشت، اندوه و خشم فریاد برمی­آوریم، نافرمانی می­کنیم و "نه" می­گوییم.
لازمه همراهی اندیشه با این فریاد، خصلت منفی آن­ست. می­خواهیم جهان را نفی کنیم نه درک. هدف نظریه­پردازی عبارت­ست از مفهوم­سازی منفی از جهان، البته فعالیت نظری نه چنان امری گسسته از عمل اجتماعی، بلکه هم­چون لحظه­ای از آن؛ پاره­ای از مبارزه برای تغییر جهان و تبدیل آن به مکانی در خور شأن انسان­ها برای زندگی.
اما چنین امری چگونه رخ می­نماید؟ آیا می­توانیم با اندیشه دگرگونی جهان[حرکت خود را] آغاز کنیم؟

2- جهانی در خور شأن انسان را نمی­توان از طریق دولت ایجاد کرد.
در قرن گذشته تلاش­های اصلی بشر در راه ایجاد جهانی در خور شأن انسان پیرامون دولت و تصرف قدرت دولتی متمرکز بود. کشمش­های اصلی (بین "اصلاح­طلبان" و "انقلابیان" ) بر سر چگونگی تصرف قدرت دولتی (چه از طریق پارلمان یا ابزارهای فراپارلمانی) استوار بود. تاریخ قرن بیستم نشان­دهنده­ی آن­ست که چگونگی تصرف قدرت دولتی اهمیت چندانی ندارد. در تمامی نمونه­های پیروز، قدرت دولتی نتوانست به دگرگونی­هایی بیانجامد که رزمندگان به آن امید بسته بودند. نه دولت­های اصلاح­طلب و نه انقلابی هیچ­کدام نتوانسته­اند دگرگونی­های بنیادی در جهان به وجود آورند.
متهم کردن همه رهبران این جنبش­ها به "خیانت" کار آسانی است. اما این خیانت­ها نشان می­دهند که شکست دولت­های رادیکال، سوسیالیست یا کمونیست ریشه­ی عمیق­تری دارد. دلیل این­که از دولت نمی­توان هم­چون عامل دگرگونی­های اساسی استفاده کرد این­ست که دولت خود شکلی از مناسبات اجتماعی است که به طور کلی در روابط اجتماعی سرمایه­داری ریشه دارد. محتوای سیاست­های دولت هر چه باشد، وجود آن به مثابه بخشی جدا از جامعه به معنای آن­ست که در فرآیند دور کردن مردم از امر نظارت بر زندگی خود فعالانه شرکت دارد. کارکرد سرمایه­داری در یک کلام چنین است:
جدا کردن مردم از کنش خود، و سیاست معطوف به دولت، به ناگزیر در چارچوب خود، همان روند جداسازی را بازتولید می­کند، جدا کردن رهبران از توده­ها، فعالیت جدی سیاسی[عمومی] را از فعالیت فردی کم اهمیت جدا می­کند. سیاست معطوف به دولت نه عامل دگرگونی­های اساسی، بلکه به تبعیت فزآینده مخالفان از منطق سرمایه­داری می­انجامد.
حالا می­دانیم که ایده دگرگونی جهان از طریق دولت، توهمی بیش نبوده است. بخت و اقبال با ماست که پایان این توهم را تجربه می­کنیم.

3- امروزه تنها راه ایجاد دگرگونی­های اساسی در جامعه را نه تصرف قدرت، بلکه در انحلال آن باید جست­جو کرد.
امروزه ضرورت انقلاب از هر زمان دیگری بیش­تر درک می­شود، چرا که وحشت ناشی از سازمان­دهی سرمایه­دارانه جامعه به مراتب وسیع­تر می­شود. این­که تصرف قدرت دولتی از طریق انقلاب یک توهم بوده است، به معنی آن نیست که باید از مساله انقلاب دست شٌست. باید در قالب­های دیگری به انقلاب اندیشید، یعنی نه در قالب تصرف قدرت بلکه در شکل انحلال آن.

4- مبارزه در راه انحلال قدرت عبارت­ست از مبارزه برای رهایی قدرت معطوف به کنش از زیر قدرت سلطه­گر.
اندیشه دگرگونی جامعه حتی بدون تصرف قدرت، مستلزم این­ست که بین قدرت معطوف به کنش و اعمال قدرت بر [دیگران] تمایز قایل شویم.
هر تلاشی برای دگرگونی جامعه در برگیرنده کنش یا فعالیتی است. کنش به نوبه خود به معنی آن­ست که ما توان کنش، و از قدرت تحقق آن برخورداریم. غالبا "قدرت" را در این معنی به مثابه امری مفید به کار می­بریم، مانند زمانی­که فعالیت متحدی را با دیگر افراد (مثل شرکت در یک تظاهرات یا حتی سازمان­دهی یک سمینار مفید) انجام می­دهیم که موجب می­شود احساس کنیم که "قدرت" داریم. قدرت در این معنی ریشه در کنش دارد: قدرتی معطوف به عمل.
قدرت معطوف به عمل همواره قدرتی اجتماعی و بخشی از جریان اجتماعی کنش است. کنش دیگران نیز، توانایی عمل کردن را در ما به وجود می­آورد و این هم به نوبه خود شرایط کنش آتی دیگران را فراهم می­سازد.
تصور کنشی بدون پیوند با کنش دیگران، در گذشته، حال یا آینده، چه در شکل هماهنگ و چه در شکل ناهماهنگ آن غیرممکن است.

5- زمانی­که در کنش وقفه ایجاد شود قدرت معطوف به کنش به اعمال قدرت بر [دیگران] تبدیل می­شود.
تبدیل قدرت در مقام کنش به اعمال "قدرت بر" [دیگران] اشاره بر وقفه در جریان اجتماعی کنش دارد.
آنان­که بر [دیگران] قدرت اعمال می­کنند، حاصل کار دیگران را از کنش آن­ها جدا می­سازند و آن­را تحت تملک خود در می­آورند. تصاحب حاصل کار دیگران در عین حال، تصاحب ابزار کنش نیز هست و این امر به قدرتمندان امکان می­دهد کنش دیگران را کنترل کنند. بدین ترتیب سوژه­های [کار] (انسان­ها به مثابه افراد فعال) از حاصل کار خود، از ابزار کنش و از خود کنش جدا می­شوند. در نتیجه آن­ها به مثابه سوژه­های [کار] از خود نیز جدا می­شوند. این جدایی اساس آن جامعه­ای است که در آن برخی اشخاص بر دیگران سلطه دارند. این روند اما در سرمایه­داری به اوج خود می­رسد.
جریان اجتماعی کنش با وقفه روبه­رو می­شود و قدرت معطف به کنش به اعمال قدرت بر [دیگران] تبدیل می­شود. آن­ها که کنش دیگران را کنترل می­کنند حالا دیگر به تنها سوژه­های اهل عمل جامعه و آنان­که کنش­شان را دیگران کنترل می­کنند به افراد فراموش شده و بی چهره و بی­صدا تبدیل می­شوند. قدرت انجام [کار] دیگر بخشی از جریان اجتماعی نیست بلکه تنها در شکل قدرت فردی وجود دارد.
برای اکثریت مردم قدرت انجام امور به ضد خود تبدیل می­شود. به ناتوانی یا حداکثر به سطحی از قدرت برای انجام کارهایی که دیگران تصمیم آن­را اخذ کرده­اند. برای قدرتمندان، اعمال قدرت، به سلطه بر دیگران تغییر شکل پیدا می­کند. به این­که به دیگران بگویند چه انجام دهند و از این رو کنش دیگران را به خود وابسته می­سازند.
در جامعه امروزی قدرت معطوف به کنش در شکل نفی خود وجود دارد، در شکل اعمال قدرت بر [دیگران]، قدرت معطوف به کنش به شیوه انکار خود وجود دارد. این به معنی آن نیست که وجود قدرت معطوف به کنش پایان می­گیرد، برعکس به مثابه امری انکار شده و در تنش ستیزه­جویانه با شکل هستی خود به مثابه اعمال سلطه بر [دیگران] وجود دارد.

6- وقفه در جریان کنش عبارت­ست از وقفه در همه جنبه­های جامعه و در همه جنبه­های زندگی خود.
جدا شدن حاصل کار از کنش و از سوژه­های [کار] به معنی آن­ست که مردم با یک­دیگر نه هم­چون سوژه­های [کار] بلکه به مثابه دارندگان (یا نادارندگان) حاصل کار رابطه دارند (که حالا دیگر ابژه جدا از کنش به شمار می­رود). مناسبات بین مردم در شکل مناسبات بین اشیاء مطرح ­اند.
در ادبیات به این جدا شدن سوژه­های [کار] از کنش و بنابراین از خویشتنِ خود با اصطلاحاتی چون از خود بیگانگی (مارکس جوان)، بت­واره­پرستی (مارکس سالمند) شیی­شدگی (لوکاچ)، انضباط (فوکو) یا تعیین هویت (آدورنو) نام برده می­شود. از این اصطلاحات مشخص می­شود که اعمال قدرت بر [دیگران] را نباید امری بیرونی نسبت به خود بدانیم بلکه در همه جنبه­های هستی ما حضور دارد. همه این اصطلاحات به بسته شدن فضای حیاتی ما اشاره دارد، به مانعی در راه جریان اجتماعی کنش و به سدی در مقابل امکاناتی که می­توانیم در اختیار داشته باشیم.
کنش به هستی تبدیل می­شود؛ این است جان­مایه سلطه بر [دیگران]. در عین حال کنش، به معنی آن­ست که ما هم هستیم و هم نیستیم، وقفه در کنش به معنی جدا کردن "ما نیستیم" از کنش است. ما اگر "ما هستیم" باقی می­مانیم و تعیین هویت می­شویم. "ما نیستیم" اما فراموش می­شود یا با آن هم­چون رویای محض برخورد می­شود. امکانات از ما گرفته می­شود و زمان همگن می­شود. حالا آینده بسط و گسترشِ حال است و گذشته تدارکِ حال. هر کنش و هر جنبشی در محدوده­ی خود باقی می­ماند. رویای دنیایی در خور بشریت زیبا است، اما این خود تنها و تنها یک رویاست؛ مسایل ازین قرارند: قانون اعمال قدرت بر [دیگران] عبارت­ست از: "امور ازین قرارند"، قانون تعیین هویت.

7- ما در وقفه­ی کنش خود و ایجاد تابعیت آن مشارکت داریم.
ما هم­چون سوژه­های [کار] جدا شده از کنش خویش بندگی خود را بازتولید می­کنیم. به عنوان کارگر سرمایه­ای را تولید می­کنیم که ما را به تبعیت وا می­آورد. به مثابه استاد دانشگاه فعالانه در تعیین هویت جامع و تبدیل کنش به هستی، شرکت می­جوئیم.
زمانی­که به تعریف، طبقه­بندی یا تعیین کمّی می­پردازیم یا زمانی­که بر این باور ایم که هدف علم عبارت­ست از درک جامعه آن­گونه که هست یا زمانی­که تظاهر می­کنیم جامعه را به گونه­ی معینی بررسی می­کنیم، توگویی جامعه ابژه است مجزا از ما، در این صورت در نفی کنش (خود)، در جدا کردن ذهن از عین و جدا کردن سوژه های [کار] از حاصل کار به طور فعالانه شرکت داریم.

8- تناسبی بین قدرت معطوف به کنش و اعمال قدرت بر [دیگران] وجود ندارد.
اعمال قدرت بر [دیگران] به معنی وقفه در کنش و نفی آن­ست. اعمال قدرت بر [دیگران] عبارت­ست از نفی فعال و مداوم جریان اجتماعی کنش، یعنی ما با کنش اجتماعی­مان خود را تثبیت می­کنیم. این اندیشه که قدرت هم­چون عامل، یا به عنوان اهرمی برای تصرف قدرت بر [دیگران] می­تواند به رهایی منتهی شود، اندیشه­ای پوچ و نامعقول است.
قدرت انجام [کار] امری اجتماعی است و عبارت­ست از ایجاد "ما" و شناخت متقابل­شان و منزلت انسانی.
جنبش معطوف به کنش علیه اعمال قدرت بر [دیگران] را نباید قدرتی در مقابل آن فهمید (اصطلاحی که نشان­دهنده تناسبی بین قدرت و قدرت مقابل است) بلکه باید آن­را ضد قدرت به شمار آورد. (اصطلاحی که از نظر من، نشان­دهنده بی تناسبی کامل بین قدرت و مبارزات ماست.)

9- اعمال قدرت بر [دیگران] ظاهرا بر ما چنان تاثیر عمیقی برجا می­گذارد که به نظر می­رسد که تنها راه­حل، دخالت نیرویی بیرون از محدوده­ی توان ما لازم است. این اما به هیچ­وجه راه­حل نیست.
رسیدن به نتایج بسیار بدبینانه در خصوص جامعه امروزین کار دشواری نیست. بی­عدالتی و خشونت و استثمار بیداد می­کند و ظاهرا راه برون رفتی در کار نیست. اعمال قدرت بر [دیگران] ظاهرا بر همه جنبه­های زندگی ما آن­چنان تاثیر عمیقی دارد که تصور "توده­های انقلابی" دشوار است تصوری که زمانی در رویای­مان وجود داشت. در گذشته تاثیر عمیق سلطه­ی سرمایه­داری، بسیاری را بر آن داشت که راه حل مسائل را در چارچوب رهبری حزب پیشاهنگ جستجو کنند، اما این دیگر ثابت شده است که این تدبیر به هیچ­وجه مناسب نیست چرا که صرفا شکلی از قدرت را با شکل دیگری از آن جایگزین می­کند.
ساده­ترین پاسخ عبارت­ست از توهم­زدایی بدبینانه. فریاد خشم آغازین علیه مصیبت های سرمایه­داری کنار گذاشته نشده بلکه یاد می­گیریم که چگونه با آن سازگار شویم. ما به حامیان سرمایه­داری تبدیل نمی­شویم بلکه می­پذیریم که کاری علیه آن نمی­توان انجام داد. توهم­زدایی عبارت­ست از در غلطیدن به تعیین هویت، پذیرش این­که آن­چه هست، همان چیزی­ست که باید باشد و بنابراین معنی آن مشارکت فعال در جدا کردن کنش از حاصل کار است.

10- تنها راه در هم شکستن مدار ظاهرا بسته قدرت، فهمیدن این امر است که تحول قدرت معطوف به کنش به اعمال قدرت بر [دیگران] روندی است که ضرورتا بر وجود ضد آن نیز دلالت دارد: بت­واره­پرستی دال بر وجود ضد بت­واره­پرستی است.


بیش­تر بحث­های مربوط به از خودبیگانگی (بت­واره پرستی، شیی- انگاری، انضباط، تعیین هویت و امثال آن) چنین اند که گویی از خودبیگانگی امری تحقق یافته است. در این بحث­ها با شکل­های مناسبات اجتماعی سرمایه­داری به گونه­ایی برخورد می­شود که گویی از آغاز سرمایه­داری به وجود آمده­اند و تا جایگزینی سرمایه­داری با نحوه سازمانیابی اجتماعی دیگری ادامه خواهند یافت. به بیان دیگر، وجود، از ساختار جدا می­شود: ساختار و پایه­های سرمایه­داری در دوره تاریخی قبل گذاشته می­شود و فرض بر این است که وجود کنونی آن تثبیت شده است. چنین نظری فقط می­تواند بدبینی عمیقی را در پی داشته باشد.
اما اگر جدایی کنش از حاصل کار را نه امر تکامل یافته بلکه یک روند در نظر بگیریم در آن­صورت جهان آغاز می­کند که تغییر یابد. این حقیقت که ما درباره از خود بیگانگی بحث می­کنیم معنی­ آن این است که از خودبیگانگی نمی­تواند امری فراگیر باشد. اگر جدایی، از خود بیگانگی (و غیره) را یک فرآیند بدانیم در آن­صورت این امر اشاره بر آن دارد که جریان آن از پیش تعیین نشده است و تحول قدرت معطوف به کنش به اعمال قدرت بر [دیگران] مساله­ای­ست همواره حل نشده و همیشه مطرح باقی می­ماند. یک فرآیند دال بر شدن دارد، دال بر این­که آن­چه در فرآیند (از خود بیگانگی) هم هست و هم نیست. بنابراین، از خود بیگانگی دال بر وجودِ ضد از خود بیگانگی است. اعمال قدرت بر [دیگران] دال بر وجودِ ضد قدرت معطوف به کنش است یا به بیان دیگر، دال بر حرکتی است در راه رهائی قدرت معطوف به کنش.
آن­چه در شکل نفی خود، در شکل وجودی انکار شده موجود است، در واقعیت علی­رغم نفی خود، به مثابه نفی فرآیند نفی خود وجود دارد. سرمایه­داری بر انکار قدرت معطوف به کنش، انکار انسانیت، انکار خلاقیت و کرامت انسانی بنیان گذاشته شده است. این به معنی آن نیست که انسانیت، خلاقیت و کرامت انسانی وجود ندارد. همان­طور که زاپاتیست­ها نشان داده­اند، کرامت انسانی علی­رغم نفی آن وجود دارد. کرامت انسانی هستی مستقل خود را ندارد، اما در تنها شکلی که در این جامعه می­تواند وجود داشته باشد یعنی به شکل مبارزه علیه نفی خود وجود دارد. قدرت انجام [کار] هم وجود دارد: نه به شکل جزیره­ای در دریای اعمال قدرت بر [دیگران] بلکه در تنها شکلی که می­تواند وجود داشته باشد یعنی به شکل مبارزه علیه نفی خود. آزادی هم وجود دارد، نه به شکلی که لیبرال­ها آن­را ارائه می­کنند، یعنی به شکل امری مستقل از تضادهای اجتماعی، بلکه به تنها شکلی که می­تواند در جامعه­ای وجود داشته باشد که مشخصه آن مناسبات سلطه­گری است، به شکل مبارزه علیه خود سلطه­گری.
وجود واقعی مادی آن­چه به شکل نفی خود وجود دارد شالوده­ی امیدواری است.

11- امکان تغییر اساسی جامعه به نیروی مادی­ایی بستگی دارد که در شکل موجودی انکار شده وجود دارد.
نیروی مادی محرومان (انکارشدگان) را به چند طریق می­توان مشاهده کرد
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نخست در مبارزات بی­شماری که نه سلطه بر دیگران بلکه صرفا در دفاع از قدرت خود در انجام [کار]، دفاع از مقاومت علیه سلطه­گری را دنبال می­کنند. این مبارزات و مقاومت­ها شکل­های بسیار متفاوتی به خود می­گیرند، مثلا از شورش آشکار تا مبارزه جهت نظارت بر روند کار یا دفاع از آن و یا نظارت بر فرآیندهای بهداشت و آموزش تا دفاعیات پراکنده­تر و اغلب آرام (کودکان و زنان) از کرامت انسانی در محدوده خانه.
مبارزه در راه کرامت انسانی را نیز به شکل­های گوناگونی که آشکارا سیاسی نیست، چه در ادبیات، موسیقی و داستان پریان شاهدیم، یعنی آن­چه جامعه کنونی منکر آن­ست. مبارزه علیه جور و ستم همه جا دیده می­شود زیرا در عینیت هستی ما به مثابه موجودات انسانی بی­تردید وجود دارد.
دوم این­که نیروی محرومان را در آن­چه که اعمال قدرت بر [دیگران] آن­را نفی کرده شاهد ایم و در عین حال که به آن وابسته است. کسانی­که قدرت کنش آن­ها در ظرفیت فرمان دادن به دیگران نهفته است، هستی­ آن­ها همیشه به کنش دیگران وابسته است. کل تاریخ سلطه­گری اما عبارت­ست از مبارزه قدرتمندان برای رهایی خود، از وابستگی به محرومان. تحول از فئودالیسم به سرمایه­داری را باید در پرتو این اصل دید نه به مثابه مبارزه رعایا برای رهایی خود از قید و بند اربابان، بلکه به مثابه مبارزه اربابان برای نجات خود از رعایا که از طریق تبدیل قدرت خود به پول و به این ترتیب به سرمایه صورت می­گیرد. همین رهیافت به آزادی از قید کارگران در عرضه ماشین آلات یا تبدیل سرمایه مولد، در مقیاس کلان به سرمایه پولی آشکار می­شود که در سرمایه­داری معاصر از نقش مهمی برخوردار است. در هر یک از این موارد فرار قدرتمندان از سوژه های [کار] بیهوده است. راه فراری برای اعمال قدرت بر [دیگران] جز دگرگونی در قدرت معطوف به کنش وجود ندارد. قدرتمندان راه فراری از وابستگی به محرومان ندارند.
سوم این­که وابستگی مذکور در بی ثباتی قدرتمندان و گرایش سرمایه به بحران آشکار می­شود. فرار سرمایه از نیروی کار، جایگزینی آن با ماشین آلات و تبدیل آن به پول به وابستگی نهائی خود به نیروی کار (یعنی به وابستگی آن به ظرفیت تبدیل کنش انسانی به کار انتزاعی ارزش­زا) می­رسد. آن­چه در زمان بحران شاهد ایم همان نیروئی است که سرمایه انکار می­کند، قدرت انجام [کار] به طور مشخص، قدرتی است مستقل و غیر وابسته.

12- انقلاب فوریت دارد، اما قطعی نیست؛ انقلاب پرسش است نه پاسخ.
نظریه­ها­ی سنتی مارکسیستی قطعیت انقلاب را پی­گیری می­کردند. بحث آن­ها این بود که تکامل تاریخ به ناچار به ایجاد جامعه­ایی کمونیستی منتهی می­شود. این قضیه اساسا غلط فهمیده شده است، زیرا پیرامون ایجاد جامعه خودگردان با قطعیت نمی­توان چیزی گفت. قطعیت فقط در سلطه­گری است. قطعیت را می­توان در هم­گون سازی زمان، توقف کنش و تبدیل آن به وجود پیدا کرد. خودگردانی در ذات خود غیر قطعی و نامعلوم است. با زوال نظریه­های قطعی و کهنه شده به مثابه امری در خدمت رهایی باید استقبال کرد. به همین دلیل انقلاب را نباید پاسخ دانست بلکه باید آن را هم­چون پرسش در نظر آورد، تجسسی که در راستای کرامت انسانی است. از این رو گام بر می­داریم و جستجو می­کنیم.


جان هالووي

یادداشت:

این تزها را در کتابم "تغییر جهان بدون تصرف قدرت" چاپ پلوتو، لندن 2002 بسیار مفصل بحث کرده­ام.

Sunday, May 18, 2008

Mrs Rakshan Bani-Etemad, one of the best documentarist of Iran: Give my camera a break, and I will show you what's happening "Under the City Skin"

Iranian writer-director Rakhshan Bani-Etemad is probably Iran's best known and certainly most prolific female filmmaker. She began her career making documentaries for television and her features are steeped in research on Iran's economic and social problems (source). A number of her films are available abroad, including the features Nargess (story of a prostitute in love in the IRI), The May Lady(the story of a single mother of a teenage boy in love) and Under the Skin of the City (about ordinary urban realities of ordinary people which are extraordinary struggles), Gilaneh and the documentary Our Times (about women's political aspirations and regards of democracy.)


Within hours of violence staged against the protesters and media crackdown in the aftermath of the election, she distributed the below video reading a statement on behalf of Iranian documentarists demanding freedom of expression.

She is speaking up again:
I am not afraid.

I am not afraid if in the turmoils of these conspicuous times I will be accused of conspiracy.

I am not afraid to be accused of stirring unrest, but you cannot deny that I am a mother; not only the mother of "Tandis & Baran" [refering to her daughter Baran Kowsari], but also the mother of all that youth who has been witnessing their own mothers through the windows of my films; mother of "Touba", "Gilaneh", "Forough", "Narges", "Seema" and ... [names of female protagonists of her films]

I am the mother of all those who have opened their homes to me; who have told me their suppressed pains of years, such that I can depict their life sufferings on film.

Out of respect for the trust of all my audience, I feel entitled to the right of seek justice for all these mothers who, in the chaos of this crisis, are helpless and vulnerable, either having lost their children, or frantically and frightened seek the missing ones in the four corners of the city. [I feel entitled] to writing this open letter to say that no law, no concern, and no politics justify the pain they are suffering.

In a condition that no media is there to report the truth and no official takes the responsibility of helping the killer anxiety of these parents, how can we not tremble on every rumor of the torture of killing of a young son or daughter?

Give my camera a break to provide you a naked picture, perhaps you do not know what is really happening under the skin of the city.
And here is a translation of her first public statement on this matter:

We are documentary filmmakers.

Our job is to uncover and express truth. expressing truth from several points of view. In the events of the past few days, by hiding reality, the national media is making it impossible for the members of the society to have access to the reality.

We are documentary filmmakers, our job is communication.

Iranian national TV belongs to the whole of the country and is obliged to reflect the opinions and the events of society, hence it must not be the mouth peace of a specific faction and exclude a large portion of the society.

We are documentary filmmakers, and our job is art, committed to culture and the language of our country. Reporting language has to be the guardian of the dignity of the nation. By censoring, spinning and using an inappropriate reporting languahe, the national TV has on the one hand, made lying a norm in the society, and on the other uses disrespectful language against people and in so doing provokes people into chaos and revolt.

We warn you that at the current inflamed situation, depriving the society from ability from peaceful expression of their demands draws the society into violent reactions in people who prior to election were expressing their opinions on their favorite candidates, peacefully side by side.

We warn that these actions [of the national TV, Seda o Seema] lead to violence and unrest and makes them liable for any massacre and chaos in the society and endangers a country that if guaranteed of justice, can reach a true national unity.

Every single one of these people, in every single day of every single year of the past 30 years have been compassionate to each other's sorrow and happiness. They have fought next to each other and have given martyrs and victims.

We are a people of thousand years of history. We are all together, we all share the history of this land.
Don't break us apart!
June 16, 2009

Source: http://iranfacts.blogspot.com/2009/07/mrs-rakshan-bani-etemad-one-of-best.html

Saturday, May 17, 2008

I'm Live Blogging from Tehran General Office of Justice's hall !


  • Accused of turbulence and riot & accused of failed velvet coup project court was started at Tehran General Office of Justice's hall (Imam Khomeini complex)!
Among the accused people present at trial who are more than 100 ,famous and well known activists such as Behzad Nabavi member of the Central Council of Islamic Revolution Mojahedin Organization , Mirdamadi Mosharekat party general secretary , Aminzadeh member of the Central Council of Mosharekat party , Atrianfar member of the central council of Kargozaran party ,Mohammad Ali Abtahi member of the central council of fighter clergies ,Safaiee Farahani member of the Central Council of Mosharekat party and Ramezanzadeh member of the Central Council of Mosharekat party can be seen.
  • Deputy of Tehran Revolution and General Prosecutor : recent events and riots were pre-designed.(minutes ago in Tehran )
  • Summary of text of indictment :
Every fair man can easily see the big achievement of this great epic(Election) in the various fields of political, cultural, social and economical in national and international levels.

Firstly ; this election converted in to real democratic Super pride performance and had a message to worldwide people that IRI is one of the most secure and stable countries in the world for investment and progress in economical projects.

Secondly
; in the field of international relations,this great national power(Election) increased achieving the full realization of people rights .Therefore ,there in no place for false claimants of freedom , democracy and human rights.from now on Iranian diplomacy trustee and statesmen can do their roles better than ever and in the world.

Third ;Profound effect on this type of conscious presence of people in the election , more than before made nation's public opinions to be realized that religious democracy pattern is efficient.

Fourth
;Since the support of the people is one of the most important components in national security to the holy Islamic Republic , the 85% presence of people in this election stabled the national security and will help IRI in its domestic and foreign problems.

But as the supreme leader Ali Khamenei had warned people about enemies and their maliciously stimulation , loser and hopeless enemies immediately started to make this victory to bitterness for Iranian nation.According available documents and evidences and accused reasonable confesions , this was a pre-desigened and schadualed velvet coup and more than 100 of 198 instructions of "Jean Sharp" for velvet coup have been done.


The defendants consider the fraud in elections, a lie!

Fars News Agency: Deputy Attorney General of Tehran's Civil and Revolutionary court pointed out about a spy' confessions in regards to the arms involved in the velvet coup: Behzad Nabavi, Abtahi, Maziar Bahari, M. Tajzadh and Safai Farahani, said that there has been no violation in the election. Mousavi khoueiniha said that we needed the induction of fraud for the foul.

The elements contributing to velvet revolution in Iran:

The above mentioned spy talks about the elements contributing to the velvet coup in Iran : "The model that was designed like other countries consist of three processes: Intellectual, Executive and Media which each one have many active subsidiairies under intellectual procedures such as religious, secular, capitalism, foreign policies, literature ... each of these cases in the institutions inside and outside of Iran are actively playing a role.

1. A subset of a spectrum of women has been established. The most important leaders of this spectrum are Ms. Shadi Sadr and Ms. Shirin Ebadi. They are more in connection with NGO of Holland who are funding these groups and campaigns. Another responsible spectrum is Parvin Ardalan - The daughter of Ali Ardalan, National Front leader - is being active. The left spectrum- Noushin Hamedani Khorasani who is among the groups of the spectrum.

2. The subset of ethnic and racial, most of the work is done by Shirin Ebadi spectrum. Although her activities is in the field of human rights, but has an ethnic and racial strain - The National-religious groups also concentrate in this field.

3. The subset of human rights, the most important factor that US uses against its opposition is human rights. In this spectrum functions also under Simin Ebadi's group.
Hadi Ghaemi is an active elements in the U.S, a secure and foreign supporter of this spectrum. For a while, he has been the Head of Iranian section in the Zionist's organization" Human Rights Watchdog "and started this organization with 15 million euro.

4. The Subset of Labor, if recalled, in the past few year the Syndicate of Bus Transportation had a strike lead by a person call Mansour Asalav.
It is interesting that some people strike for different reasons, including their arrears wages, without paying attention to U.S. institutions such as the NED, Financial Funds and democracy ... Clearly thru other institutions fund several million dollars of money to help the union workers in Iran. All documents are available on the Web of on the NED website. The reason to easy accessing these documents can be considered a facade. Many people believe that since they don't have any hidden agenda therefore, they are not after a particular issue.

5. NGOs, this subset in this gov't period formed a special importance. The west made a conclusion about strengthening the NGOs in Iran and fulfill their human resources, financial and management factors hence the establishment of organizations in Holland. The duty of these institutions were to train and educate the NGO personnel in raising money outside of the country....Twho prominent NGO acitivists in the country, named Koneshgaran, with Sohrab Razaghi's management (Manager of NGOs in the MOI during reform period who received 2 million euro budget from holland's organizations and Hambaran organization managed by Bagher Namazi, which after the Bam earthquake on 2003, was holding classes in Tehran titled attracting money from outside the country. Some of the teachers were people like Hadi Ghaemi who have Zionist and security cases from the past.

6. The student subsets, The peak of activities of this subset was on 18 Tir, 1378 (approx 10 yrs ago) which of course was weakened. After sometime, this subset with gaining centrality and consolidating their unity with related executive branches, played a serious role.
Aghajari Court, letter to Kofi Annan, and the boycott of the elections and... are named activities of this subset. People like Mohsen Sazegara, Atri, Ali Afshari and Reza Delbari who left to US and are employed within organizations to overthrow the IRI can be best documented efforts of this subset in the velvet project in Iran.

Intellectual process of the velvet revolution in Iran
The CIA spy in the states: "This process is the most important one perhaps before any issue, nonetheless, the intellectual work will start and take years before the executive and the media process take its form.
The intellectual process began from early years about middle of the war and as a result a new abstract thinking developed among the Muslim forces with the leadership of Abdolkarim Soroush and the cultural magazine called Keyhan (Those days the management of the this magazine was by Seyed Moh'd Khatami).
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The articles that Soursh wrote in this magazine were very particular in terms of the west and the issue of fighting the adoption of western ways not existing for one to speak about and such fights with these issues in question under the discourse of the revolution were questionable. Slowly, they were targeting the cultural roots of the revolution while trying to fade them. In the meantime, a type of novice and intellectual tyranny was showing in their thought process which they tried to keep it hidden. Lets presume that no west or tyranny exist then slogans such as independece and freedom does not also hold any meaning!
This process continued and one by one the more basic thoughts of Imam which are the unity in religion and politics, velayat faqih was less obvious and therefore, the grounds for bringing the western and American values were provided.
He further mentions: "People like Nasser Hadian and hadi semni started a new way of theorizing about the profits of America in Iran. Slowly, they attacked subjects such as Nuclear engergy and missiles and supporting Lebanon and Israel. These theories, in various research centers in the reform gov't and the press, were getting widespread coverage.

Similarities of the failed velvet coups in Iran to the other mentioned countries

1) In relation to the fraudulent plan aiming to bring about mistrust among people of the political system, the Islamic Revolution leader in Friday servon of 29th of June stated:

"I mentioned when in Mashhad on the first of Farvardin that they are constantly murmuring into people's ears, repeating of the frauds taking place in the election and they were preparing the grounds. At that time, I warned our people within the country and told them of the enemies motives and to stop repeating them. People trust the Islamic Republic; this trust hasn't been achieved easily, it has taken 30 years for Islamic Rep. with its representatives, with hard work and efforts to achieve such trust in the heart of the people. The enemy is trying to take away this trust and create insecurities among people."
unfortunately some political currents from some political parties and activists, without paying attention to the warnings given by his excellency and with a meaningful collaboration with enemies, have repeatedly maximized doubts on election frauds and all this happended without presenting any justifications and evidence what so ever.
One of the parties mentioned, the Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolution Organization, months before the elections and into present avoided the warnings of his holiness to shun the enemy, in official statements and stating opinions have repeatedly promoted the fraudulent elections.
MKO (Mujahedin Org) in a statement on 21/1/88, in support of Mir Hossein Mousavi announced and had been registered 20 days after the warnings of the leader of IRI, repeating the enemies " The election is no longer being conduct safely and the severity of this issue has created doubt in people, the candidates and the votes being given."
However, these organizations, several months before on the month of Tir 1387 through the 12 congressional resolution mentioned the subject of the fraud. MKO after issuing several statements without nay proof questioned the validity of the elections. As as example, in their first statement after the election mentioned: " We never doubted in the presence of fraud and cheating in the election."

Forged documents at Behzad Nabavi's home
In these events, MKO faked the letter to the letter to the Min. of Interiors and Min. of housing to deceive public opinions. In inspection of Mr. Behzad Nabavi, a prominent and pivotal member of MKO, there are documents found with the aim of forging evidence to obtain public opinion and create doubt, which is attached to the court presented.
Remark that some of these fake sample papers and letters have been found in some unsuccessful and protesting candidates as well.

The advising committee, the party agents and some members of the opposing Clergies with consistency and stubbornness also doubted the regime, before and after, in the legitimacy of the election. First of all, this issue is important and noteworthy to the court as the issue of fraud has been planed from the begining of the election and has a clear goal. Second, this issue brought about many moral and material damages to our people such as many killed, and this is only if the detainees confess to the knowledge to create the absence of fraud and doubt that were raised.

Induction of fraud before the election

Maziar Bahari, reporter of Newsweek Weekly, also stated:
"The western media followed up the election fraud before the elections occurred and also, in an interview with Mr. Khatami, I questioned him about it and noticed that after the interview, a similar situation with classic pattern of color revolution in the country is being followed."

Behzad Nabavi discussing the fraud

Mohmamad ali Abtahi, responsible for the presidential office of former president who has been detained has discussed the issue of fraud in a statement:
"The discussions of fraud was first initiated in the iranian election of year 1376 for the first time (by the person mentioned). The reformers used this and again he brought it up in the last election while he started being active and taking the responsibility as a staff of Khatami's Commitee in charge of the votes.
Mr. Abtahi says: " Mr. Karoubi, in a meeting, with other reformists annouced: We should not persist on the election fraud because with this we will create mistrust in people and they will no longer participate in elections. In that same meeting Mr. Mousavi Lari announced that in the presidential election is definitely fraudulent."

Mousavi Khouiniha has said that we need the induction of the fraud for cheating!

He said further: " After the annoucement of the candidacy, Mr. Mousavi, fraud was mentioned. There was a disagreement between Mr. Mousavi and Mohtashami pour hence the Safekeeping Voters' Committee came about. the most important point, the reformists believe that not more than 2to 3 million of votes can be fraudulent. In a meeting after this, Mr. Mousavi Khouiniha annouced: we shouldn't killed the fire of the fraud discussion as it is needed for further cheating."
Mr. Abtahi clarified: "My opinion is that Mohtashami Pour impacted Mousavi severely. He announced in the meeting of 23 of Khordad: I have told Mr. Mousavi not to worry as we have a lot of evidence in regards to the fraud and we can shift the direction of the election. Mr. Mousavi was very much influenced by that due to political inexperience and being away from the scenes."
Abtahi fruther added: " 2 days after the election, I asked Mousavi Lari about the fraud and he answered: Mohtashami Pour is saying rubbish as the changes in the votes can't be more that 700 to 800 thousands!"

Tajzadeh knew through the provinces have lost elections

Mostafa Tajzadeh, Deputy Minister and head of the nation's election headquarters during Mr. Khatami's era is one of the other detainees which disagrees with the possibilities of the fraud. He further says that he never mentioned the about the fraud but since his party has published an article and he signed on it, he has to back them up and asks for the same punishment as all else. He further added that the 40 million vote of Mr. Ahmadinejad has been just and it has been an amazing election and once all the votes had come in, no fraud nor cheating had been conducted and our results were the same as what the other city campaign votes submitted.

Behzad Nabavi, a member of the central committee of mujahedin, former presidential advisor and vice chairman of the Sixth Parliament during Khatami's time said that we have no evidence of fraud but we stay loyal to Mousavi. We accept the guradian councils final results. This was in the response to when told that as a result of his lies many people have been robed of their lives and lived in chaos and they didn't even have any valid document to support it all! When asked if he was to dishonor his country and its history to stay loyal to Mr. Mousavi? He was completely silent.

Ramezan Zadeh, The speaker of Khatami's cabinet said : Fraud is not possible in Iran and I have always said and all of my party's freinds and members are aware.

Safayi Farahani, member of the Central Committe, Executive Board participant, and the sixth parliament representative and the president of the football federation said that under no circumstances there could be a fraudulent election even with 1 to 2 million votes difference. It is an absolute surprise to the likes of Mr. Mousavi, Mohtashami Pour and Mousavi Lari who have been serving the regime in this country can make such accusations about elections in this country.

Maziar Bahari, Director and reporter for western media also blamed it all on the western media and creating an atmosphere from before the election stating the fraud and setting the grounds accordingly for a coup in the country. He further adds Mr. Mousavi based on the patterns of the color revolution already was saying before the results were in: " I am the winner of the elections and other than this, then it is fraudulent"

Considering the evidence and the admittance of the defendants, one can notice that there was a pre-designed plan for all that has happened and the aim was to create disturbance and chaos which is considered as the elements fo the velvet coup. The important point is that there has been a complete coordination between the west and the detainees to create such atmosphere and they also accept these factors.


2) Illegal demonstration are the second similarity of the velvet revolution w/ the other countries.
Widespread illegal rally and demonstrations in the streets resembles velvet coup in Iran similar to the above-mentioned countries where the practice is to capture the important centers of government, which happens in almost all the velvet revolutions but in Iran, it was faced with failure.

Demonstration held against the Interior Ministry, television, the Islamic Consultative Assembly is being assessed. Attaching the Basiji HQ with warm and cold weapons and an incendiary bomb in the illegal demonstrations of 25/3/88 happened in Azadi Square based on the confessions of several defendants and images of this event and the active agents obtained from the organization completely describes the pre-designed plan of the attacks. The attacks of people with backpacks full of stones and carrying inflammable bombs, grenade and other arm weapons is the result of a concrete confessions, of course, it is necessary to mention here a important point is that the accountable part of the protests conducted with the guidance is a separate issue.

Rostam Fard Tehrani, in charge of of Saham News site admitted that they wanted to say there was a fraud by demonstrating. He added that they used to report the location of rallying to our voters networks thru mobile, email and site.
Kian Tajbakhsh also compared between the measures taken in several countries in regards to the velvet revolution in several countries and what has been noticed such as symbol bearing, human chain, fraud plan, declared victory before counting the votes, rallying in front of gov't building aims towards the facts that a velvet coup was planned for Iran which did not happen.

Mr. Abtahi stated during the assembly of pre-designed rallies: "the party of triumph or failure which resulted in revolt was already prepared. To bring the people in the streets thru determined routes, bringing equipment and report events minute by minute thru Facebook were all the factors before the elections that were to lead to a protest movement." Tajzadeh called me to tell me that we are trying to keep all the people to direct them into different direction of the city.
Abtahi continues: "I believe this process has three sides: 1 - Vertex/Pinnacle 2 - body stimulator 3 - social network which are in factual work."
In explaining the body stimulator he added that in this process some had a more key role than others such as Islamic Revolution Mujahideen Organization, Participation Front, Khatami's Divisional groups ie. Group 88, Yari News, Pouyesh and ... areas that were designated minute by minute to invite people in the streets and the foreign networks and reporters to cover all the news. The important point is that the foreign reporter had become very close to these these people even closer than some of their own groups. The importance of these elements were to keep people in groups in a part of town so that when Mr. Mousavi shows up, these Divisional groups will gear people to that direction. He added that everyone of these groups was involved and active to get the people out in the streets on Saturday i.e Fateh, Tajzadeh, Khatami and his group, Mehdi Hashemi and his people.
In conclusion to this section, it should be reminded the roles of the foreign media such as BBC Farsi, VOA, AlArabiya, Roadio Farda, Radio Zamaneh in teaching and helping this goal to flourish towards more chaos, illegal demonstration and massive disturbances. The subject of media needs to be paid attention to exclusively.

3) Building the culture, institution and network

Based on the confessions of the defendants there are 3 phases in the velvet revolution: 1) Building the culture or thinking processes based on western values 2) Building institution in creating "NGO" and 3) Building network in connecting "NGO" to one another.
Kian tajbakhsh one of the defendants who have been in charge of the Soros Foundation for the management of velvet revolution from year of 1377 has been in Iran and says: Creating a broad "NGO with the objective of finding allies to use in crisis is quite acceptable.
Mohammad Ali Abtahi, another defendant also confirms the remarks that Tajbakhsh made:
In the reform period, two of the 2 ministries of Interior and Culture and Youth had to issue permits for the formation of "NGO"
Therefore, in the past years tens of thousands of NGO have been established and being handled by multilateral western support financially and intellectually where the companies such as Shell Oil company has been engaged in training, educating and commissiong and giving financial support to the NGO.
Therefore, the NGO together with the illegal group 88 which is by the parties mentioned was launched to organize and lead illegal rallys and gatherings before and after the election.



11:42 Am
  • Mohabati , Deputy of Tehran Revolution and General Prosecutor :
Some people like "Mark Palmer,president of " Konos " institute has researched about Iran too much.Even they formed some classes 2 or 3 years ago which some of 2-Khordadis(reformists)lik
e Emad Baqi were invited to and they were trained how to do the soft overthrow.

There is a institute in US which is called " Hoofer " and one of its member is Abbas Milani whom his value to CIA is more than Reza Pahlavi because of his good relationship with reformists and some of Kargozaran party members specially Atrianfar and the institute has a project called "Democracy in Iran" and also Milani provides all Akbar Ganji's financial costs in overseas.And Arash Naraqi and Fatemeh Haqiqat Jou also give lectures for this institute.

Efforts of Mosharekat party to change the nature of Islamic system and English spy meeting with reformists.

Text of indictment :



Re-review the role of some political activists and parties in making velvet coup in Iran

Some of the political parties are as follows: Mosharekat,Mojahedin organization and Kargozaran.
1-Study of performances of above parties over several years.

2-Making decisions to overthrow the regime confidentially.

3-Continuous and meaningful communication with institutions and foundations which are active in the field of velvet coup.

4-Attract foreign financial supports in Commissioning NGOs.

5-Effort to achieve double the efforts to achieve dual sovereignty in country.

6-Design to exploitation of elections situation to achieve velvet coup.

Here are some of the obtained documents in secret activities of political parties and activists.

1-Mosharekat party in their political - organizational strategic interactions document which has been prepared last year for the next 5 years , clearly indicates that they want to change the nature of Islamic Republic Holly System of Iran.

2-In one of the joint meeting between representatives of some reformist parties which its evidence is available in the file, there was a clear discussion about getting the Europe Union support in domestic political competition and Europe Union supporting of 6th parliament protesters shows that in the above meeting , the mentioned option has been adopted.

3-Behzad Nabavi's suggestion on forming the anti-dictatorship front with presence of all opposition strata

4-Induction of the regime being non-democratic in above parties and members statements.

5-According to reliable sources of information in one of Islamic Revolution Mojahedin organization meetings and in a poll in Isfahan they talks about in case of US attack to Iran should they submit the leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran to Americans or not which this kind of discussions will not happen unless with the Centralized Coordination.

6-In Mosharekat party also something similar happens in Arak city . One of the branch parties says in case of US attack to Iran we will execute Islamic Republic authorities by ourselves.

7-Anti-religious statements and positions of this party members during the past years which are available , reached to the extent that the late Ayatollah Meshkini called this organization illegal and a reason for youth diversion.

8-Issuing structure breaker statements and collecting signatures for an open letter to regime authorities specially Islamic Revolution Leader to drink poison(metaphor of die)for the interest of system(Regime).

9-But in the recent events axial role of the members of Mosharekat , Mojahedin organization and Kargozaran parties in design , organize and leading the disturbances and illegal gatherings shows that mentioned parties always -whether they have the power as in reform period or not - will continue trying to change the nature of regime to a secular system.

11:53Am


Fars news Agency said:

  • Some arrestees were thought in Ashraf camp
THe prosecutor introduced the prisoners as follows:

What we have seen is a part of an unsuccessful Velvet coup d'etat.

Many arrestees have been previously arrested for being with Monafeghin. One states he had joined them in 1379 approximately 10 years ago and his first attempt was in 1383 (2003). He had been a part of a bombing project in Tehran and then had moved to other branches such as the recent riots.

Mrs Ozra Sadat Ghazi was arrested while throwing a hand made bomb towards militia, she was involved in a bombing in 2005 and the recent riots as well.

Naseh Faridi was first joined by phone and then had gone to prison where he was getting the news of other prisoners to their families in various ways and also was involved in the recent riots.he also said Shabnam Madad zadeh is a part of this group as well.

Mir hossein Fotoohi and many others were named with similar accusations.
He stated the bombing several religious places in Ghazvin and Mosala of tehran in April of 2005 was one of most important assignments of Mohammad reza zamani whom was arrested perviously for fraud.


12:07pm
  • Giving hand in nationwide riots, bombing plans of toll booths, struggle to gain power for anti,regime groups and being in contact with foreign stations were other charges brought up.
He also stated:

Mr Ahmad Karimi was another american-terrorist whom was accompanied by Hamed Roohi-nejad and Mohamad reza Ami-zamani which went to Iraq for meeting american troops. They had announced that they are redy to do anything against this government such as terrorist attacks towards governmental and religious facilities.
He was stationed in Iraq for about a year and a half and was ordered to go to tehran to jump start the riots.

Amir reza Atefi was another that is being charged with making of hand made bombs and was testing them in deserts around Tehran, he had made a video of his plans to bomb Emamzade zeyd, Emamzadeh Ali akbar Chizar, Fatemium huseinie and many others and had sent it to american authorities. he had planed to bomb Mesjedolnabi which was unsuccessful due to his arrest

Emad Bahavar was an intruder in Musavi's campaigns which was making film and distributing them to others in Iran, he played an important role in Moj internet tv station.
they had betrayed their country by sending footages out to foreign media to change the image of Iran. MAny others have been accused of doing so some names are as follows: Satiar Emami, Mazyar Bahari and Mohammah Rasooli.

Alireza Ashrafi is carrying charge such as destroying bank and other public properties whom was arrested in karimkhan and had confessed to making of arms to destroy the cameras which was successful at the end and had attempted to attack many authorities at several different banks.


12:20
MAking and throwing hand made grenade with the usage of militia form, Daneshgah st incident, making of a feverish atmosphere by making riots, distributing CDs at different rallies, attacking militia personnel on duty and attempts against country's security are several accusations that come to mind.
Meisam Ghorbani is charged with making and throwing grenades and has confessed that he had used militia form in attempt to frame the forces for it.

Hossein Bastani states: " in my political background, i am a part of Toodeh and the recent riots has made a good atmosphere for me on doing my assignments, i was in most gatherings and was attacking police forces and militia personnel. He was taken in after his pictures were shown by IRI's national TV stations.

Mehdi Fattah-bakhsh was also arrested while he was throwing rocks at police and basij forces and he confessed to setting up Konx station (115 basij station) on fire.

Me Musa Shah karimi and amir shenavar are two others that are looking at similar charges against them.

Mr Mohammah Ali Dadkhah, one of human rights activists who is looking at charge like possession of hand-gun and illegal drugs had played a big role in making of these riots and was in contact with foreign countries.

University St. (kooye daneshgah) was a disturbing event that was formed by many of these people in an attemp to frame IR's forces, and polls who that they were willing to sacrifice their own children in order to get to their aim.

Mr Omid Jafar-abadi, Mohammad reza Esmaeel-zadeh, Farshid Ghodrati, Saeed Poor azimi, Ehsan Honar-kar, Hosseing Kooshke-baghi, Adrin Keshishina, Abbs golzar-nia, and many others are ones that have had previous penalties and all played rolls in the riots.

Mr Iman Sohrab-poor is being charged for distributing CDs to others in the crowed, also Saeed Sepah-loo, Nehrdad Aslani, Morteza Bitaraf, and Hamid reza bakhtiari are looking at similar charges.

Mehrdad Varshooi and Faramarz Abdollah-nejad are being charged for attacking police forces in Azadi Sq. in Tehran.

Ziba Asgari and Mohsen Abbasi are looking at charges for possession of hand made grenades.
Kamran Jahanbani, Mehdi Moghimi andAli safai's charges consist of destroying public and personal properties.

Mr Ramtin Tofigh Ghazvini, whom follows the Bahai religion had attempted to make riots, also Farid ahmadi, Hesam Tarmosi, Farnash Farhad-poor are looking at similar charges.

Mrs Kiana Saeed far, Mohammad Darmanki, Mehdi moghayemi and Shahpoor Saba and Mohammad Soleimanpoor are looking at similar charges that consists of forwarding footages to foreign media.

At the end I am asking for these people to be charged based on their individual sentences based on 500, 610, 618, 677, 687 and 689 bands of Islamic book of laws.

1:00PM


Fars news agency ;

  • Abtahi member of clergies Assembly Central Council :"fraud" was the password of riot!


Member of clergies assembly central council : "Fraud" was the password of riot in which the host-making and practicing to spread in streets were part of that.

Mohammad Ali Abtahi member of clergies assembly central council in the first session of investigation in political defendants crimes of post-elections events by indicating to Deputy of Tehran Revolution and General Prosecutor's indictment said : I accept everything deputy of prosecutor said but there are some issues , I have to talk about.

He added that it was a really great election and 40 million people is not a number that anyone can pass by it easily.

I personally was from few people who were disagree with Mousavi in the election because during his absence in the government in all those and he could have damaged the country.

Abtahi continued : 10th round elections was a different elections and I guess reformists after failure in three elections kind of wanted to move towards the limitation supreme leader and people beliefs.

He said : I confess that most of Khatami trips were to advertise for himself as the only victory chance in elections.

He emphasized : The main event in elections and of course during the elections and before and after that was "fraud" issue.

He added : Practicing of keeping people in streets only could found meaning in fraud frame.

Abtahi said : I think the capacity and potential of what deputy of prosecutor introduced as velvet revolution was available in country but of course I do not know if the intention of doing it was there or not . If this capacity was in some weak country it could have been successful and about media ,it should be mentioned that "green" color more had became a media.

He said: The fact that even before election results was specified , Mousavi introduced himself as president and of course in between Khatami congratulated him shows their different point of view in fraud topic.

He added : There was no fraud in Iran and this discussion can not be accepted with 11 millions difference between Mousavi and Ahmadinejad.

Abtahi also said : We all had said in various interviews that in worse conditions it can not be a fraud with more than 1-2 millions difference.So we were saying if we can pass this amount , our candidate would be the winner in elections.
Actually we , reformists could not hear the voices we should or we could not hear all the voices and actually we were hearing only the voices of mid-level to high-level society and it was a big delusion which Mousavi was suffering from and felt the 11 millions fraud is possible.

1:30
  • Based on news coming from fars news station, Mohammad Abtahi a religious leader has stated:
"At one point Musavi was going to show us proof of cheating in the election and i remember one of my colleagues said even if the proofs are there and are correct he only had 700 thousand votes. When i mentioned it to Mr musavi he still wanted to believe the 11 million number he had in mind"
He adds:
After the election Khatami and Rafsanjani had sworn to have each other's back and i don't understand the point of it, knowing the diference was 11 million.
He also stated:
Hashemi wanted to take revange on Ahmadinejad and the supreme leader, and these are facts that Musavi did not encounter.
He said:
I see myself as a reformist but stated that Khatami did not have the right to force it on Musavi, although i did not agree with Ahmadinejad's presidency but believe in people's votes, and congratulated as people's choice as the president.
Abtahi stated:
"I was wrong to have attended the rallies but Karrobi told me we can not bring people out in the streets with out small pole and need all the help we can get, In many cases musavi said we are on Muslim's sides and the riots made people to lose hope on Islam and the regime"
He adds:
"If the supreme leader would have backed up even a bit, today Iran's distress would have gone as far as Afghanistan and Pakistan therefore people should thanx the supreme leader for his moves."
At the end he stated:
"I am telling all friends and all that hear our voices to know the election matter was a lie to make use of for riots so Iran would have changed to another Iraq and Afghanistan so they could hurt the regime and take over"

 
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